You know, I usually don’t keep up
with popular music. So much of it is the same. People love it at first, but as
the repetition of the catchy beat begins to assume the monotony of a jackhammer
and as we realize the shallowness of the lyrics’ unattainable dreams, the song
dies out.
“Despacito”
is no exception. Its bawdy message and music video paint a picture of Puerto
Rico that reinforces what the tourist industry wants us to think about the
island: it’s one of those glitzy, exotic getaways full of new sights and
experiences just dying to be bought for American dollars. Seeing as how tourism
was one the island’s only major sources of revenue, many Puerto Ricans tried as
hard as they could to keep that gilded veneer intact. So what might it take to
tear that veneer away? A hurricane might do the trick.
Before
Maria, Puerto Rico had
over 70 billion dollars in debt, a poverty rate of 45 percent, and in the past
decade its population had decreased from 3.9 million to 3.4 million due to
citizens abandoning their home as a lost cause (Kranz, 2017). After Maria, their
people lost much of what little they had, and the price tag of reconstruction is
95 billion dollars, more than doubling their debt (Disis, 2017). Fonsi may
enjoy going slowly, but Maria had no such intentions.
But
the hurricane also stirred up the most central debate on the island that has
lasted for over a century—that of identity. You see, Former Puerto Rican Supreme Justice José Trías Monge
once called his nation “the world’s oldest colony” (as cited in Mooney, 2001). That label fits the
island like a glove, since from 1493 to today, either Spain or the United
States has claimed it. Right now, as our “unincorporated territory,” Puerto
Rico’s relationship with the mainland is politically and economically uneven,
leading policymakers to fight for what status they believe is the best path to
prosperity, state or territory. As Vladimir Lenin put it, “What is to be done?”
The answer is not as simple as we would think.
Amid
the hell that is the island currently, statehood definitely looks attractive. According to recent
plebiscites (as cited by
Gonzalez, 2013), about 45 percent of Puerto Ricans desire statehood for
their nation, as they believe it will pull them out of their economic and
political ditch. Representation is one gain they cite. As an unincorporated territory of
the U.S., Puerto Rico has its own elected three-branch government, but it is
subject in all areas to the supreme authority of the U.S. federal government. And
only one non-voting seat in the House of Representatives speaks for them there.
Federal voting rights also pose a point of contention, as Puerto Ricans have
none and cannot vote for their top executive, the U.S. president. Pedro Cabán
(2013), professor and Department Chair of Latin American, Caribbean & U.S.
Latino Studies at the University at Albany, points out that although Puerto
Ricans are U.S. citizens, the U.S. government, by its oppressions, is
“reasserting to the world that Puerto Rico is a territorial possession whose
inhabitants are denied the internationally recognized right of
self-determination” (Cabán, 2013). Such bitterness proliferates much of the population.
Another advantage states
have over Puerto Rico is the amount of federal aid they receive. The average
U.S. state receives around 60 billion dollars from the federal budget, while
Puerto Rico only receives around 15 billion (Puerto Rico Report, 2017). Proponents
of statehood also cite the issue of Puerto Rico’s immense debt. It has been
deemed unpayable, especially post-Maria, and their constitution bans bankruptcy
(Cabranes, 2015). So in the eyes of many, the only option is for Puerto Rico to
become a state and merge its debt with that of the U.S., shifting its lenders’
demands to the more financially capable mainland.
But statehood is dangerous, as
opponents have found, costing Puerto Rico its political flexibility and unique
economic status. They claim that the island should content itself with the
status quo commonwealth status.
One of the most recent
clashes over status occurred in the 2016 Supreme Court case, Puerto Rico vs. Sanchez Valle, in which
Puerto Rico attempted to try gun dealers who had already plead guilty in
federal court. During the debate, Justice Stephen Breyer wrote, “Longstanding
customs, actions and attitudes, both in Puerto Rico and on the mainland,
uniformly favor Puerto Rico's position—that it is sovereign… for purposes of
the double jeopardy clause" (as
cited in Wolf, 2016). With each
statement like this, Puerto Rico approaches closer to political empowerment
without having to take on the burdens of statehood.
One of these burdens would
be acquiescence to the state template. If Puerto Rico were to become a state,
an overhaul of the island’s current government would be required to match the
U.S. Constitution’s dictations. The ensuing juggling act of new agencies,
officials, and regulations could exacerbate the island’s rampant corruption.
The FBI has already arrested hundreds of officials there in recent years, and
the U.S. Government Accountability Office has stated, “the GAO found little
assurance that territory Medicaid funds are protected from fraud, waste, and
abuse” (U.S. Government Accountability Office, 2016). A tumultuous transition
to statehood would only provide more cover for such shady endeavors, and make
available many more funds to ‘misallocate.’
This statehood template
would also have adverse effects on Puerto Rico’s economy by abolishing
territorial benefits that states are not eligible for. As Alejandro Garcia
Padilla, former governor of the island, declares, "Puerto Rico is
different because it has a distinct contributory condition and it's not a
state. If that advantage is eliminated, it would impoverish Puerto Rico" (as cited in Agencia EFE, 2013).
For decades, the U.S. has endowed Puerto Rico with unique economic conditions
designed to make investments look more attractive, such as tax exemptions,
exemptions that the U.S. does not extend to states. Upon reception of
statehood, they would be revoked, and new burdens, such as a currently absent
federal income tax, would be instituted.
One of these exemptions was
Section 936 of the U.S. tax code, passed in 1976. What it did was practically
nullify corporate income tax for companies and their subsidiaries located on
the island. In its decades of life, it led to the growth of a significant
manufacturing industry there, especially in lucrative pharmaceuticals. However,
in 1996, the U.S. passed a repeal of the section, in effect over the next ten
years. During that period, the Puerto Rican economy abruptly crashed, with
World Bank data showing GDP change falling into the negative percentages by the
final year of the repeal program. Opponents of statehood contend that statehood
would eliminate all hope of regaining these lost benefits, negate all those
that remain in place, and add new taxes that the impoverished citizens of
Puerto Rico cannot manage.
And
this is why the commonwealth status is winning out as the solution to both
identity and hurricane. U.S. officials will not let the statehood movement gain
momentum due to the huge financial and administrative burdens it would drag in
its wake. When you think about it, the cost of replacing every American flag
with a 51-star version alone would set us back billions. But the island has made civil and economic advances
before despite its “lower” status thus far, and will continue to do so
successfully only without the shocking abruptness of statehood.
For now, perhaps
Maria’s dose of realism will focus our efforts on the more immediate issues and
foster closer relations, allowing us to work towards a fairer future for all.
It certainly inspired “Despacito” artist Daddy Yankee, who bought 200 gallons
of diesel to keep a Puerto Rican food bank’s refrigerator going (Gillespie &
Santiago, 2017). But even when reconstruction ends, we will all still find
ourselves amid this turbulent debate, and we must carefully balance sovereignty
and moderation to safely determine the fate of millions. Thank you.
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